Ollscoil na hÉireann

CLÁR/PROGRAMME

Dé hAoine 24 Aibreán 1998

1845: Oscailt

1900-1930: Titley

1930-2000: Ó Buachalla

Cathaoirleach: Ó hAodha

2000: Fáiltiú

Dé Sathairn 25 Aibreán 1998

0900-0930: Green

0930-1000: ter Haar

1000-1030: Guilfoyle & Harrington

Cathaoirleach: Ahlqvist

1030-1100: Sos caife

1100-1130: Lamb

1130-1200: Watson

1200-1230: Ó Maolalaigh

Cathaoirleach: Ó Catháin

1230-1400: Sos lóin

1400-1430: Ó Sé

1430-1500: Ó Curnáin

1500-1530: Ní Dhomhnaill

Cathaoirleach: Ó hUiginn

1530-1600: Sos tae

1600-1630: Ó Flaithearta

1630-1700: Doherty

1700-1730: Ó Baoill

Cathaoirleach: Ní Neachtain

1730: Clabhsúr

1930: Dinnéar na Comhdhála

ACHOIMRÍ/ABSTRACTS

Cathal Doherty:
Iarsmaí den Phátrún Comhréire 'V2' i Stair na Gaeilge

Is é príomhchuspóir an pháipéir seo a chruthú gur féidir amharc ar Bergin's Construction (abairtí eisceachtúla sa tSean-Ghaeilge nach mbíonn an briathar chun tosaigh iontu) mar shamplaí den phatrún coimhréire 'Verb Second' (V2) atá forleathan sna teangacha Gearmánacha agus i roinnt teangacha Ceilteacha chomh maith (e.g. Briotáinis, Meán-Bhreatnais) agus a bhfuil dianstaidéar déanta air sa ghramadach ghiniúnach. Fágann sin gur teanga V2 a bhí sa Ghaeilge Ársa agus nach bhfuil sna heisceachtaí a d'aimsigh Bergin ach iarsma den tseanchóras coimhréire sin. Mar thacaíocht don mhíniú sin, déantar iarracht a thaispeáint go maireann iarsmaí eile den seanphatrún sa teanga fosta (e.g. sa chóras ceisteach).

Antony Dubach Green:
Permissible and Impermissible Onset Clusters in Munster Irish

In this paper, I explain certain facts of epenthesis in Munster Irish, arguing that the levels of the prosodic hierarchy (syllable, foot, prosodic word) play a role in determining the well-formedness of onsets as well; specifically, I argue that each level licenses less well-formed onsets than the next lower level. In Munster, the distribution of onset clusters is highly restricted.

Noninitial unstressed syllables permit only simple onsets, not clusters; any underlying rising-sonority clusters are broken up by epenthesis.

 (1)	/agla/		ágølø		'fear'

Noninitial stressed syllables permit onset clusters of stop + liquid, but any other rising-sonority cluster is broken up by epenthesis. Since Irish is trochaic, a stressed syllable is at the left edge of a foot (indicated by round brackets).

 (2)	/abra:n/	ø(brá:n)	'April'
	/am'l'i:xt/	am'ø(l'í:xt)	'wretchedness'

Word-initial position permits a wide variety of rising-sonority clusters, whether they are stressed or unstressed.

 (3)	/gla:n/	 	glá:n	     	'clean'
 	/k'r'axa:n/	k'r'øxá:n	'small potato'
 	/mni:/	    	mní:	     	'woman' (dat.)
 	/knapa:n/	knøpá:n		'flower-bud'

Onset consonants are associated with the right edge of the lowest prosodic category at which they are licensed. Thus, single consonants are associated with the syllable. In a form like [ø(brá:n)], the liquid is licensed by the syllable, but the stop is not, and is associated with the foot instead. In a word-initial cluster like [k'r'øxá:n] or [mní:], the second consonant is associated with the syllable, and the first consonant is associated with the prosodic word.

The analysis is stated in terms of Optimality Theory: constraints are proposed that control which onsets are permitted at which prosodic edges. These constraints are dominated by constraints prohibiting rising-sonority clusters from being divided by a syllable boundary. A constraint against epenthesis is ranked low. Thus it follows that onsets surface only where they are licensed, and are otherwise broken up with epenthesis.

Eithne Guilfoyle & Síle Harrington:
Verb Forms in the Acquisition of Irish as a First Language

Several recent studies of child language across a range of languages have noted that child grammars differ from that of the adult in terms of the grammaticality of tensed verb forms, and verb placement. French, German, and Dutch children produce root infinitival clauses in contexts that would be ungrammatical in the adult target. Furthermore, German and Dutch children frequently fail to place the verb in second position as would be required in the adult target.

In this paper, we examine a number of syntactic characteristics of the grammars of early child Irish with respect to these phenomena. Irish is particularly interesting from this perspective as it exhibits verb-initial order in tensed clauses, but subject initial order in nontensed clauses. Furthermore, nonfinite clauses are headed by a verbal noun in Irish, rather than by a nonfinite verb form. One of the goals of this work is to ascertain to what extent early child Irish resembles that of the adult language, and to what extent it resembles early child grammars of other languages. A second goal is to establish how the study of the acquisition of Irish bears on recent issues in the theory of language acquisition.

We base our analysis on data gathered from 6 children between the ages of 18 months and 3 years acquiring Irish as a first language, and from published sources on Irish acquisition (Hickey 1992).

Preliminary results suggest that:

a. Unlike their German and Dutch counterparts, children acquiring Irish make very few errors in verb placement.

b. Irish first learners demonstrate mastery of the distinction between the copula is and the substantive verb tá. This is in marked contrast with the reported errors of Irish second language learners.

We discuss each of these results in the context of the earlier studies on German and Dutch. We also discuss the role of dialect issues in a study of this type, and suggest that a full understanding of these phenomena can only be undertaken when the dialect background of the child's parents and other care-givers is taken into consideration.

Wilma ter Haar:
The Auxiliary-HAVE-function

This paper addresses the status of the auxiliary-HAVE-function as a potential parameter. In her article 'Statives, Perfectives and Accusativity: The Importance of Being HAVE' Noonan argues that 'have' is a parameter and that Irish constitutes the null-case in that it lacks the auxiliary-HAVE-function from its lexicon. This has independent consequences for the grammar of Irish, for example, since this language lacks 'have' it also lacks stative psych verbs. Mahajan (1995), on the other hand, argues against the parameter analysis and claims that 'have/be' selection is triggered by ergativity, which in turn is a consequence of basic word order. However, the Celtic languages pose a problem for this analysis. Mahajan claims that VSO languages are ergative and therefore lack 'have'. The Celtic languages lack 'have' but do not have overt ergative case marking. In this paper I will examine both analyses for Irish and arrive at a tentative conclusion.

William Lamb:
The Emergence of a Supra-Dialectal Higher Register: News-speak in Scottish Gaelic

Scottish Gaelic is in a state of adaptation and accommodation. In a fairly general sense, the pressures that it faces resemble those of any living, modern language whose speakers are challenged to communicate about and within a constantly changing world. Yet the contexts of usage in Scottish Gaelic are, perhaps, in greater flux than many of its European counterparts, both in terms of retreat and advancement. Scholars like Kenneth MacKinnon (1977) have showed how quickly certain situations that were recently strongholds of Gaelic parlance can turn over, with English as the preferred mode of communication. Yet, as much as the recent history of Gaelic is a story of waning, one witnesses striking new developments in the twentieth century. Perhaps the most remarkable and public of these is its inclusion in the mass media, particularly television and radio. For a language that has been, in recent times, confined to the contexts of church and home, one might expect that this step has meant considerable reflection on how best to give Gaelic a public face. However, without the generally unifying influences of official entities or boards to assist in language planning (cf. Ireland and France), the choices have been made largely by those individuals employed in the media themselves, through what could be called an organic process. The aims of the current research were to examine this process, provide a description of the resulting forms - especially in terms of syntax and the lexicon - and illuminate the various issues involved in the development of a new register in Scottish Gaelic: news-speak.

Cáit Ní Dhomhnaill:
Atharraigh mhórfafóinéimeacha [L > l, L' > l'], [N > n, N' > n'], agus an dá fhóinéim chonsanda chreathacha [r, r'] i nGaeilge Chonamara

Is éard a bhéas sa gcaint seo cur síos ar na hatharraigh mhórfafóinéimeacha [L > l, L' > l'], [N > n, N' > n'] i nGaeilge Chonamara mar a bhídís le clos i dtús focail, ar lorg aidiachtaí sealbhacha, in aidiachtaí baininscneacha, ar lorg na réamhfhocal, théis forainm coibhneasta agus in aimsirí na mbriathar. Beidh focal le rá agam freisin i dtaobh an chreathaigh [r > r'] ag tús focail i leaganacha atá seanbhuanaithe sa gcaint.

Dónall P. Ó Baoill:
Tábhacht an Athraithe ai go oi sa tSean-Ghaeilge mar Léiriú ar Fhorás Canúna

Athrú suntasach i ré na SeanGhaeilge an t-athrú litrithe ai go oi i siolla aiceanta idir consain bheolacha agus consain chaola. Is é is dóiche gur iarracht an t-athrú litrithe seo ar athrú fuaime nó canúna éigin a chur in iúl. Is í an cheist ar ndóigh ná a dhéanamh amach cén t-athrú go díreach a bhí i gceist i bhfocail mar mairbh/moirbh, baill/boill agus araile. Tá leidí le fáil sa réalú atá ar fhocail áirithe i gcanúintí na Nua-Ghaeilge faoin sórt athraithe a bhí i gceist dar liom agus déanfar iad sin a scrúdú. Chomh maith leis sin, is léir go bhfuil eolas go leor le baint as na hathruithe a tharla i bhfocail ina bhfuil na sondaigh fhada ll, m(m), nn agus rr i bhfocail mar coill, moill srl. faoi cháilíocht an bhunghuta agus faoina raibh á léiriú ag an litriú oi, neamhspleách ar cháilíocht na gconsan a bhí thart air. Déanfar iarracht sa chaint ghairid seo míniú éigin a thabhairt ar a raibh i gceist leis an athrú ai go oi, bunaithe cuid mhaith ar chlaochlaithe a tháinig ar an teanga féin.

Breandán Ó Buachalla:
An Forainm Coibhneasta Neamhdhíreach: Foirm, Feidhm agus Stair

Ní aithníonn An Caighdeán Oifigiúil ach aon fhorainm coibhneasta neamhdhíreach amháin (a + n/ar + h); tugann FGB go / gur mar mhalairt (mar fhoirm chopaileach amháin a luaitear gur); luann Stair na Gaeilge (eag. McCone et al.) na(r) freisin; níl aon trácht déanta go dtí seo ar da(r):

an crann so da leagfaidh mise mo láimh air,
urlár an tseamra dá raibh an ríogan ann,
faiche na cathracha sin dar hoileadh tusa innti,
an chéad fhear dar léig mé leis mo rún.

Ceithre fhorainm coibhneasta neamhdhíreach atá le haithint sa Nua-Ghaeilge trí chéile: a, da, go, na. Is léir ar an fhianaise gurb ionann réimse feidhme dóibh, cé nach ionann a ndáileadh geografúil: a i gcúige Chonnacht agus i gcúige Uladh, a / go i gcúige Mumhan, na in iarthar Chorcaí, da in Oirialla.

Sa pháipéar seo déanfar réimse feidhme na bhforainm seo a léiriú agus déanfar a stair a rianadh.

Brian Ó Curnáin:
Saintréith Ghaeilge Mhionlaigh agus Máguaird

'It is astonishing that the dialect of this area [Eanach Dhúin agus Mionlach] being quite different from Connemara-Irish has never been studied systematically.' LASID I xvi.

Tá plé nach beag déanta ag scoláirí ar fhoirmeacha táite agus scartha an bhriathair ach tá neamhshuim déanta d'fheiniméan tábhachtach sandhi i gConnachta atá luaite ag Ó Máille in Urlabhraidheacht (1927, 95-6). De réir Uí Mhaolaithe (Canúint Mhionlaigh M.A. 1948) is iad na rialacha a bhaineann le réaladh -idh, -igh sa bhriathar ná:

1. -ø + forainm ainmneach
2. -i: + focal ainmneach dar tús guta
3. -ø + focal dar tús consan, nó focal, nach ainmneach, dar tús guta
4. -i: + pausa nó focal nach bhfuil i ndlúthghaol comhréire

Ach ón ábhar téacsúil atá tugtha ag Ó Maolaithe agus ó fhianaise phointe 38 LASID III is léir nach rialacha catagóireacha iad seo. Tá 'eisceachtaí' ann do 1. (annamh), 2. (tuairim is a leath), 3. (roinnt coitianta), 4. (annamh). Sa pháipéar seo pléifear mionchoinníollacha na rialacha teagmhasacha seo maidir le réaladh (ø-i: d'fhonn an staidéar sistéimeach a dtagraíonn Wagner dó a atosnú agus d'fhonn impleachtaí a tharraingt d'fhorás an chórais bhriathartha.

Mícheál Ó Flaithearta:
Sanasaíocht an Fhocail SG richt agus Ceisteanna eile

Tugtar go hiondúil mar shanasaíocht ar an bhfocal Sean-Ghaeilge richt < *prp-tu, is é sin go bhfuil an focal bunaithe ar an gcéim chraptha den fhréamh *prep- agus ar an iarmhír *-tu. san Ind-Eorpais: féach J. Pokorny, Indogermanisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch (Beirn 1959), lch. 844; J. Vendryes, Lexique Étymologique de l'Irlandais Ancien (Baile Átha Cliath 1974) R-29; H. Lewis agus H. Pedersen, A Concise Comparative Celtic Grammar (Göttingen 1937), lch. 27. Ó thaobh dhlíthe na fuaime de glactar go forleathan nach bhfuil aon deacracht leis an gcumadh seo. Ach tá fianaisí ann a chuireann iallach orainn an fhoirm athcheaptha seo a cheistiú. An bhféadfadh a leithéid de fhréamh agus *prep- a bheith ann sa mbunteanga Ind-Eorpach, cuir i gcás? Cé chomh hiontaofa agus atá focail a cheaptar a bheith bunaithe ar an bhfréamh seo agus a mheastar a bheith gaolta le richt sna teangacha Ind-Eorpacha eile? Pléifear focail atá gaolta le richt sa Cheiltis chomh maith leis na focail úd sna teangacha Ind-Eorpacha lena gceanglaítear é de réir na sanasaíochta seo agus diúltófar don ghaol atá in ainm agus a bheith eatarthu. Cuirfear sanasaíocht eile (a moladh fadó ó shin) chun cinn agus tabharfar tacaíocht di ó thaobh na séimeantaice taobh istigh agus taobh amuigh den Ghaeilge agus den Cheiltis.

Roibeard Ó Maolalaigh:
Athmhachnamh ar Fhorás -ich i nGaeilge na hAlban, agus Impleachtaí don Ghaeilge

Glactar coitianta leis (a) gur giorraíodh -ich deiridh neamhaiceanta na Gaeilge Ársa i gcanúintí uile na Gaoidheilge, agus (b) gur díghlóraíodh -igh - stairiúil agus neamhstairiúil - ní ba dhéanaí i nGaeilge na hAlban (GA). Ceistítear an dá áiteamh sin sa bpáipéar seo. Tugtar léamh eile ar fhianaise na nua-chanúintí agus pléitear fianaise bhreise nár tugadh san áireamh go dtí seo a chaitheann solas ar an bhforás. Ardaíonn fianaise GhA ceisteanna i dtaobh stair -igh sa nGaeilge - go háirithe i gcanúintí Chúige Uladh - a chuireann ar ár gcumas mínithe níos sásúla a thabhairt ar fhorás fóineolaíochtúil eile agus ar fhorás moirfeolaíochtúil i nGaeilge an Tuaiscirt. Léiríonn an páipéar seo tábhacht GhA do stair na Gaeilge.

Diarmuid Ó Sé:
Leathnú Amach na dTréithe Canúna (The Diffusion of Dialect Features)

Tá sé tugtha fé ndeara go bhfuil tréithe teangan i gcoitinne ag áiteanna éagsúla ar an gcósta ón Rinn i gContae Phort Láirge ó thuaidh go Conamara:

1. ag áiteanna éagsúla ar chósta na Mumhan, m. sh. ardú ó go ú in aice le consan srónach i bhfocail mar mó, móin; an struchtúr comhréire Cad tá sé a dhéanamh? (Ó Cuív, Irish Dialects and Irish-Speaking Districts, 47-72). Baineann roinnt de na tréithe seo, agus an dá cheann a luadh ina measc, le Contae na Gaillimhe chomh maith.
2. ag iarthar na Gaillimhe leis an Mumhain, m. sh. défhoghar sa bhfocal poll (Stair na Gaeilge, 452).
3. ag iarthar Chorca Dhuibhne le Contae na Gaillimhe, m. sh. meach in ionad beach (Hamp Ériu 22, 186).

Léiríonn (i) go bhfuil an difríocht idir ceantair lárnacha agus ceantair imeallacha a aithnítear sa chanúineolaíocht ghinearálta i gceist go mór sa Mhumhain. Áiteofar sa léacht so go bhfuil foráis teangan ag teacht chun cinn i lár/oirthear na Mumhan le fada agus ag leathnú amach siar agus ó thuaidh ina dhiaidh sin. Ghaibh cuid acu thar farraige isteach in iarthar na Gaillimhe (ii). Is dócha go bhfuil teagmháil ag ceantair chósta lena chéile ar fuaid an iardheiscirt le cur san áireamh chomh maith.

Alan Titley:
Ludwig Wittgenstein agus Teangeolaíocht na Gaeilge

Is cuma nó nath coitianta anois é go bhfuil disciplín na teangeolaíochta dulta go mór i bhfeidhm ar dhioscúrsa intleachtúil na haoise seo. Tá seo amhlaidh, ach go háirithe, de bharr na slí gur bhunaigh an struchtúrachas a chóras ar thuiscintí áirithe a chuir an teangeolaí Eilvéiseach Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913) chun tosaigh. Aithnítear Saussure, dá réir sin, mar athair na nuatheangeolaíochta agus an struchtúrachais araon. Bíodh nárbh aon teangeolaí sa ghnáthchéill é Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951) b'í an mhionanailís ar gach gné den teanga agus an mionchriathrú ar fhothaí na séimeantaice sainchúram a chuid 'fealsúnachta'. Ní móide gur shil léirstintí Wittgenstein, a scaiptheacht is atá siad b'fhéidir, anuas ar chlár oibre na teangeolaíochta mar a tharla i gcás lucht machnaimh eile a shiúil ar an bhfearann branair sin idir an teangeolaíocht agus disciplíní eile.

Ba bhotún é, áfach, neamhaird a dhéanamh ina chuid tuairimí maidir le nádúr na séimeantaice agus a chuid réiteach fein air. Is mór, mar shampla, an difear a nochtann sé ina chuid machnaimh idir an Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1921) agus na Philosophische Untersuchungen a foilsíodh tar éis a bháis. Níor bhréag a áiteamh ní hea gur dhein sé réaduchtú ar an bhfealsúnacht go gnóthaí teanga amháin, ach gurb amhlaidh gur uaisligh sé an staidéar teanga go dtí an staidéar eolais ba thábhachtaí ar domhan. Tá impleachtaí ag a chuid tuiscintí teanga don ghaol a shamhlaítear a bheith idir an teangeolaíocht agus gnéithe eile de léann na Gaeilge. Fairis sin, tá fonóta tábhachtach amháin le cur le hAtlas Teangeolaíochta Wagner agus an bhaint indíreach a bhí ag Wittgenstein leis. Fonóta suimiúil é ar fiú é a nochtadh níos forleithne.

Moray Watson:
Stuth-teagaisg Gàidhlig ann an Alba

Anns a' phàipear seo, tha mi a-mach air stuth-teagasg Gàidhlig anns na bun-sgoiltean ann an Alba. Tha mi a' mìneachadh an t-suidheachaidh anns na bun-sgoiltean agus a' dèanamh soilleir dè as coireach gun d' rinn mi an rannsachadh seo. Nuair sin, tha mi a' dol thairis air ceisteachan a chuir mi a-mach dhan luchd-teagaisg anns na sgoiltean feuch am faighinn am beachdan fhèin a-thaobh na cùise. Thathar a' soilleireachadh co-dhunaidhean an rannsachaidh agus as dèidh sin thathar a' dèanamh iomradh air feadhainn dè na leasachaidhean a tha a' dol air adhart aig an àm seo. Gun teagamh, tha gnothaichean a' dol am feabhas, ach, leis an fhìrinn innse, chan eilear a' dèanamh gu leòr fhathast.